Tashe-tashen hankula a kasashen Sahel na iya zama alaka da shigar mayakan Abzinawa da ke dauke da makamai, wadanda ke fafutukar samar da kasa mai cin gashin kanta.
ta Teodor Detchev
Farkon sabon tashin hankalin a kasashen Sahel na iya dangantawa da rikicin kasashen Larabawa. Mahadar ba ta da alaƙa da gaske kuma ba ta da alaƙa da “misalin ƙarfafawa” na wani. Alakar kai tsaye tana da alaka da shigar mayakan Abzinawa masu dauke da makamai, wadanda shekaru da dama suka kwashe suna fafutukar kafa kasa mai cin gashin kanta - galibi a yankin arewacin Mali. [1]
A lokacin yakin basasar Libya, a zamanin mulkin Muammar Gaddafi, mayakan Abzinawa sun goyi bayansa, amma bayan rasuwarsa, sun koma kasar Mali da dukkan manyan makamansu. Bayyanar ba zato ba tsammani ya fi karfin sojojin Abzinawa, wadanda a zahiri suke dauke da makamai, wani mummunan labari ne ga mahukunta a Mali, amma kuma ga sauran kasashen yankin. Dalili kuwa shi ne, an samu sauyi a tsakanin Abzinawa kuma wasu daga cikin ɓangarorinsu masu ɗauke da makamai sun “sanya kansu” daga masu fafutukar neman ‘yancin kai na ƙasa zuwa ƙungiyoyin tsagerun Islama na Uzhkim. [2]
Wannan al'amari, wanda kabilanci da ke da dogon tarihi, ba zato ba tsammani ya rungumi taken "jihadi" da ayyuka, marubucin waɗannan layi ya kira "ƙungiyoyi biyu na kasa". Irin waɗannan al'amura ba ƙwararrun Yammacin Turai ba ne Afirka ita kaɗai, irin wannan ita ce “Rundunar Ƙarfafawar Allah” a Uganda, da kuma ƙungiyoyin kishin Islama iri-iri a cikin tsibiran da ke kudu da tsibirin Philippine. [2], [3]
Abubuwan da ke yammacin Afirka sun taru ta yadda bayan 2012-2013, yankin ya zama fagen fama inda "hanyoyi" na cibiyoyin sadarwar ta'addanci na duniya, wanda ko kadan za a iya kiran su "'yan ta'adda" rikice-rikice, saboda su musamman. tsari, ka'idoji da jagoranci, wanda shine watsi da ƙungiyoyin gargajiya. [1], [2]
A kasar Mali, Abzinawa, sabbin ‘yan kishin Islama, sun yi arangama da al-Qaeda amma tare da kawance da kungiyoyin Salafiyya wadanda ba na kungiyar IS ko al-Qaeda ba, sun yi yunkurin samar da kasa mai cin gashin kanta a arewacin Mali. [2] A mayar da martani, hukumomin Mali sun kaddamar da farmakin soji a kan Abzinawa da masu jihadi, wanda Faransa ta ba da tallafi daga kwamitin sulhu na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya - karkashin abin da ake kira wanzar da zaman lafiya a Mali - Minusma.
Operation Serval da Barhan sun fara aiki daya bayan daya, Operation Serval wani farmakin sojan Faransa ne a kasar Mali wanda aka gudanar bisa ga kudurin kwamitin tsaro mai lamba 2085 na ranar 20 ga watan Disamban 2012. An kada kuri'a kan kudurin bisa bukatar hukumomin Mali, ba tare da kowa ba, ciki har da Rasha. , ƙin yarda, balle a yi watsi da matakin Majalisar Tsaro. Manufar wannan aiki tare da umarnin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya shi ne fatattakar sojojin 'yan jihadi da kuma "kungiyoyin Abzinawa masu gindi biyu" a arewacin Mali, wadanda suka fara yin hanyar zuwa tsakiyar kasar. .
A yayin farmakin, an kashe uku daga cikin jagororin masu kishin Islama biyar - Abdelhamid Abu Zeid, Abdel Krim da Omar Ould Hamaha. Mokhtar Belmokhtar ya gudu zuwa Libya kuma Iyad ag Ghali ya tsere zuwa Algeria. Operation Serval (mai suna bayan shahararriyar kyanwar Afirka) ta ƙare a ranar 15 ga Yuli 2014 wanda Operation Barhan ya gaje shi, wanda ya fara a ranar 1 ga Agusta 2014.
Operation Barhan yana gudana ne a yankin Sahel biyar - Burkina Faso, Chadi, Mali, Mauritania da Nijar. Sojojin Faransa 4,500 ne ke halartar taron, kuma kasashe biyar na yankin Sahel (G5 – Sahel) suna horar da sojoji kusan 5,000 domin shiga ayyukan yaki da ta’addanci.
Yunkurin ballewa daga arewacin Mali zuwa wani nau'in kasar Abzinawa mai kishin Islama ya ci tura. Ayyuka "Serval" da "Barkhan" suna cimma burinsu na gaggawa. Burin masu kishin Islama da "kungiyoyin kasa biyu" sun kare. Abin takaicin shi ne, hakan bai kawo karshen tashe-tashen hankula ba, da kuma tashe-tashen hankula a yankin Sahel. Ko da yake an sha kaye da kuma tilastawa tun farko tunanin yadda za a buya daga sojojin Faransa da na kasashen G5-Sahel, masu tsattsauran ra'ayin Islama suna komawa yakin neman zabe, inda a wasu lokuta sukan koma 'yan fashi.
Ko da yake bayan hare-haren Serwal da Barkhan, masu tsattsauran ra'ayin addinin Islama ba su iya samun wata babbar nasara ba, a kalla a gani na farko, yawan hare-haren da ake kai wa fararen hula ba ya raguwa, amma a wasu wurare na karuwa. Wannan yana haifar da yanayi mai cike da tashin hankali da rashin lafiya, wanda ƙwararrun sojoji waɗanda ba su da ra'ayin cewa sojoji na cikin bariki suke amfani da shi.
A gefe guda, sojojin Afirka na ɗaga jama'a. Yana bawa mutum damar tashi zuwa wani nau'in ƙa'idar cancanta. A daya hannun kuma, al'adar juyin mulkin da sojoji ke yi a Afirka ya zama ruwan dare, ta yadda kwamandojin sojan da ke da burin ganin ba sa daukar hakan a matsayin laifi ko kadan.
Kamar yadda kididdigar STATISTA ta nuna, a tsakanin watan Janairun 1950 zuwa Yuli 2023 an yi yunkurin juyin mulki kusan 220 da aka yi nasara kuma ba a samu nasara ba a Afirka, wanda ya kai kusan rabin (kashi 44 na duk yunkurin juyin mulkin da aka yi a duniya). juyin mulki mafi yawa tun 1950 tare da jimillar 17. Bayan Sudan, Burundi (11), Ghana da Saliyo (10) sune kasashen da aka fi yin yunkurin juyin mulki tun tsakiyar karni na 20.
A halin da ake ciki a yankin Sahel a yau, biyo bayan ci gaban farko na masu tsattsauran ra'ayin Islama da "kungiyoyi biyu na kasa da kasa" a arewacin Mali da makamancin harin da sojojin kasashen G5 Sahel da Faransa ke kaiwa, babban abin da ya fi daukar hankali shi ne tsaron lafiyar mutane. Wasu ‘yan kasashen duniya daban-daban na wannan yanki suna da irin wannan ra’ayi, wanda za a iya takaita shi a cikin bacin rai na wani dan kasar Burkina Faso: “A cikin yini muna rawar jiki don kada sojoji daga runduna ta yau da kullun su zo, kuma da dare muna rawar jiki don kada masu kishin Islama su zo. zo."
Daidai wannan yanayin ne ke ba da kwarin gwiwa ga wasu da'irar da ke tsakanin sojoji su kai ga samun madafun iko. Wannan dai ya tabbata ne a bisa ra’ayi na cewa gwamnati mai ci ba ta tinkarar ta’addancin da masu tsattsauran ra’ayin addinin Islama ke yi ba. Ya kamata a lura cewa lokacin da aka zaba daidai - a gefe guda, an ci nasara kan masu jihadi kuma ikon su na kwace yankuna na dindindin ba shi da yawa. A sa'i daya kuma, hare-haren masu tsattsauran ra'ayin addinin Islama na ci gaba da kasancewa mai matukar hadari da halaka ga fararen hula da dama. Don haka, sojoji a wasu ƙasashe suna amfani da aikin da Majalisar Dinkin Duniya da sojojin G5 Sahel suke yi a kan masu tayar da hankali kuma a lokaci guda (a cikin munafunci) suna tayar da batun cewa ba a daidaita yankunansu ba kuma ana buƙatar "ƙwarewa" su shiga tsakani.
Wani zai iya cewa a wani lokaci Burkina Faso, inda aka yi imanin cewa hukumomi na da cikakken ikon mallakar kashi 60 cikin 2022 na yankunan kasar a farkon shekara ta 40, ta zama abin ban mamaki. [40] Wannan gaskiya ne, amma a cikin sassa kawai. Ya kamata a bayyana a sarari cewa masu tsattsauran ra'ayin Islama ba sa yin iko da sauran kashi 9 cikin 17 na yankin ta yadda za a iya amfani da kalmar "mallaka" a karkashin Daular Musulunci a Siriya da Iraki ko kuma yunkurin ballewar yankin arewacin Abzinawa mai yawan jama'a. Rege gudu. Babu wata karamar hukuma a nan da masu kishin Islama suka girka, kuma babu wani iko na zahiri a kalla kan hanyoyin sadarwa. Sai dai kawai 'yan tawayen na iya aikata laifuka ba tare da wani hukunci ba, shi ya sa masu sukar gwamnati a lokacin (da ma na yanzu) suke ganin cewa wannan yanki na kasar ba ya karkashin ikon hukuma. [40], [XNUMX], [XNUMX]
Ko ta yaya, lamarin da ba za a iya musantawa ba, na kai hare-hare akai-akai na masu tsattsauran ra'ayin Islama, ya ba da hujjar kyawawan dabi'u (a kalla a idanunsu) ga sojoji a wasu kasashen yankin Sahel su karbi mulki da karfin tsiya, tare da tabbatar da abin da suka aikata tare da nuna damuwarsu ga tsaron kasar. mutane. Irin wannan juyin mulki na karshe da ya afku a yankin shi ne juyin mulkin da aka yi a Nijar, inda Janar Abdurahman Tiani ya kwace mulki a ranar 26 ga Yuli 2023. [22]
Yana da kyau a nan a ce juyin mulkin da aka yi a Gabon, wanda za a iya cewa shi ne juyin mulkin baya-bayan nan da za a iya yi a yammacin Afirka, ba za a iya ganin irin yadda tsarin da ake yi a kasashen Sahel suka haifar ba. [10], [14] Ba kamar Mali, Burkina Faso, Nijar, da Chadi, babu wani tashin hankali tsakanin sojojin gwamnati da masu tsattsauran ra'ayin Islama a Gabon, kuma juyin mulkin yana nufin, aƙalla a halin yanzu, ga dangin shugaban kasa, dangin Bongo. , wanda ya riga ya mulki Gabon shekaru 56.
Ko ta yaya, ya kamata a jaddada cewa, bayan da aka samu kwanciyar hankali tsakanin shekarar 2013 zuwa 2020, an yi yunkurin juyin mulki sau 13 a Afirka, ciki har da Sudan, Chadi, Guinea, Burkina Faso da kuma Mali. [4], [32]
Anan dole ne mu nuna a matsayin ɗan alaƙa da sabon maelstrom na yanzu siyasa rashin zaman lafiya a yammacin Afirka, musamman a yankin Sahel, tashe-tashen hankula a Jamhuriyar Afirka ta Tsakiya (CAR), inda aka gwabza yakin basasa guda biyu. Na farko, wanda aka fi sani da yakin Bush na Jamhuriyar Afirka ta Tsakiya, ya fara ne a cikin 2004 kuma ya ƙare a hukumance tare da yarjejeniyar zaman lafiya a 2007, da kuma de facto a cikin Maris 2013. Na biyu, wanda aka sani da "yaƙin basasa a Jamhuriyar Afrika ta Tsakiya" ( Yakin basasa na Jamhuriyar Afirka ta Tsakiya), ya fara ne a watan Afrilun 2013, kuma bai kawo karshensa ba har ya zuwa yau, ko da yake a yanzu sojojin gwamnati sun dora hannu a kan mafi girman yankin kasar da suka taba rikewa a baya.
Ba sai an fade ba, kasar da ke fama da talauci, alkaluman ci gaban bil’adama ta kasance a matsayi mafi karanci a matsayi (wuri na karshe, a kalla har zuwa 2021 an kebe shi ga Nijar) kuma hadarin yin duk wani aiki na tattalin arziki yana da yawa. a zahiri “kasa ce ta kasa” kuma ba dade ko ba jima ta zama ganima ga ‘yan bangar siyasa da na soja daban-daban. Zuwa wannan rukunin za mu iya da lamiri mai kyau mu koma Mali, Burkina Faso, Nijar, Jamhuriyar Afirka ta Tsakiya (CAR) da Sudan ta Kudu daga rukunin kasashen da aka yi nazari a kansu.
A sa'i daya kuma, jerin kasashe a Afirka da aka tabbatar da cewa kamfanin soja mai zaman kansa na Rasha Wagner yana da wani abin lura kuma gwamnati ta amince da su sun hada da Mali, Algeria, Libya, Sudan, Sudan ta Kudu, CAR, Kamaru, DR Congo, Zimbabwe. , Mozambique da Madagascar. [4], [39]
Kwatanta jerin sunayen "jahohin da suka gaza" da yakin basasa, rikicin kabilanci da na addini, juyin mulkin soja da sauran irin wadannan bala'o'i da jerin kasashen da PMC Wagner 'yan amshin shata suka yi "aiki" da alama suna goyon bayan halaltattun gwamnatocin ya nuna wani kwatsam mai ban mamaki.
Mali da Jamhuriyar Afirka ta Tsakiya da kuma Sudan ta Kudu sun yi fice a jerin kasashen biyu. Har yanzu dai babu wasu bayanai da aka tabbatar kan kasancewar PMC "Wagner" a hukumance a Burkina Faso, amma akwai isassun alamu na tsoma bakin Rasha da kuma goyon bayan masu yunkurin juyin mulkin na baya-bayan nan a kasar, ba tare da ma maganar ra'ayoyin masu goyon bayan Rasha ba. Tuni da cewa sojojin hayar marigayi Prigozhin sun riga sun yi nasarar "bambance kansu" a makwabciyar kasar Mali. [9], [17]
A gaskiya ma, "bayyanar" PMC Wagner a Jamhuriyar Afirka ta Tsakiya da kuma Mali ya kamata ya haifar da tsoro a tsakanin 'yan Afirka. Rikicin da sojojin hayar Rasha ke yi na kisan jama'a da cin zarafi sun kasance a bainar jama'a tun zamanin Siriya a cikin bayyanarsu, amma fa'idar da suka yi a Afirka, musamman a CAR da Mali da aka ambata a baya, yana da kyau. [34] A ƙarshen Yuli 2022, kwamandan sojojin Faransa a cikin Operation Barhan mai tutar Majalisar Dinkin Duniya, Janar Laurent Michon, kai tsaye ya zargi PMC Wagner da "wawashewa Mali". [24]
A haƙiƙa, kamar yadda aka ambata a sama, abubuwan da suka faru a Mali da Burkina Faso suna da alaƙa kuma suna bin tsari iri ɗaya. An fara "cutar" tashe-tashen hankula masu tsattsauran ra'ayin Islama a Mali. Ta shiga cikin tawayen Abzinawa da Islama a arewacin kasar, kuma bayan fatattakar 'yan tawayen da sojojin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya da G5-Sahel suka yi, sannan ta dauki salon yakin neman zabe, cin zarafi ga fararen hula da kuma 'yan bindiga kai tsaye a cikin kasar. tsakiyar kasar Mali, inda ya nemi goyon bayan Fulani ko fulbe (wani lamari mai matukar muhimmanci da za a yi nazari dalla-dalla daga baya) ya koma Burkina Faso. Masu sharhi har ma sun yi magana game da Burkina Faso ta zama "sabuwar tashin hankali". [17]
Koyaya, wani muhimmin bayani shine cewa a watan Agustan 2020, juyin mulkin soja ya hambarar da zababben shugaban kasar Mali - Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta. Hakan dai ya yi mummunan tasiri a yakin da ake yi da masu jihadi, domin kuwa sojojin da suka hau karagar mulki sun yi kallon rashin aminta da dakarun Majalisar Dinkin Duniya, wadanda galibinsu sojojin Faransa ne. Sun yi zargin cewa Faransa ba ta amince da juyin mulkin soja ba. Don haka ne ma sabbin hukumomi da suka nada a Mali suka gaggauta neman a dakatar da ayyukan Majalisar Dinkin Duniya (musamman na Faransa) a Mali. A dai-dai lokacin ne mahukuntan sojin kasar suka fi jin tsoron sojojin Faransa da Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ta ba su a yankinsu fiye da masu tsattsauran ra'ayin Islama.
Kwamitin Sulhu na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ya kawo karshen aikin wanzar da zaman lafiya a Mali cikin gaggawa sannan Faransawa suka fara janyewa, bisa ga dukkan alamu ba tare da nadama ba. Sa'an nan kuma gwamnatin mulkin soja a Bamako ta tuna cewa yakin da ake yi na masu tsattsauran ra'ayin Islama bai ƙare ba ko kadan kuma ya nemi wasu taimako na waje, wanda ya bayyana a cikin nau'i na PMC "Wagner" da Tarayyar Rasha, wanda a ko da yaushe a shirye yake don yin hidima iri ɗaya. masu mulki. Abubuwan da suka faru sun ci gaba da sauri kuma PMC "Wagner" ya bar zurfin sawun takalmansa a cikin yashi na Mali. [34], [39]
Juyin mulki a Mali ya haifar da "domino sakamako" - juyin mulki biyu ya biyo bayan shekara guda a Burkina Faso (!), sannan a Nijar da Gabon. Tsarin da dalilai (ko kuma wasu dalilai) na aiwatar da juyin mulki a Burkina Faso sun kasance daidai da na Mali. Bayan shekarar 2015, tashe-tashen hankula, zagon kasa da kuma hare-haren dauke da makamai daga masu tsattsauran ra'ayin Islama sun karu sosai. Daban-daban "farin aiki" na al-Qaeda, Islamic State (Islamic State of West Africa, Islamic State of the Greater Sahara, da dai sauransu) da kuma tsarin Salafist masu zaman kansu sun kashe dubban fararen hula, da kuma adadin "masu gudun hijira na cikin gida" , kun fahimta - 'yan gudun hijira sun wuce mutane miliyan biyu. Don haka, Burkina Faso ta sami kyakkyawan suna na kasancewa "sabuwar rikicin Sahel." [9]
A ranar 24 ga watan Janairun shekarar 2022 ne sojoji a Burkina Faso karkashin jagorancin Paul-Henri Damiba suka hambarar da shugaba Roch Kabore wanda ya shafe shekaru shida yana mulkin kasar bayan kwashe tsawon kwanaki ana tarzoma a Ouagadougou babban birnin kasar. [9], [17], [32] Amma a ranar 30 ga Satumba, 2022, a karo na biyu a cikin wannan shekarar, an sake yin wani juyin mulki. Shi dai Paul-Henri Damiba wanda ya nada kansa shugaban kaftin din Ibrahim Traore ya hambare shi. Bayan korar shugaban kasa mai ci, Traore ya kuma rusa gwamnatin rikon kwarya da Damiba ya kafa tare da dakatar da (a karshe) kundin tsarin mulkin kasar. Kazalika, kakakin rundunar sojin kasar, ya bayyana cewa, wasu gungun hafsoshi sun yanke shawarar tsige Damiba ne saboda gazawar sa wajen tinkarar hare-haren da masu kaifin kishin Islama ke kai wa. Cewa yana cikin wannan cibiya da ta kasa mu’amala da masu jihadi a karkashin shugabannin biyu da suka gaje shi tsawon kimanin shekaru bakwai, hakan bai dame shi ba ko kadan. Bugu da ƙari, ya fito fili ya bayyana cewa "a cikin watanni tara na ƙarshe" (wato, daidai bayan juyin mulkin da sojoji suka yi a watan Janairun 2022 tare da shigansa), "yanayin ya tsananta". [9]
Gabaɗaya, ana ƙirƙiro wani abin ƙyalƙyali na kwace mulki a ƙasashen da ake ƙara zafafa ayyukan zagon ƙasa na masu tsattsauran ra'ayin Islama. Da zarar sojojin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya (fahimtar "mummunan" Faransanci da G5 - sojojin Sahel) sun karya kullun mayakan jihadi kuma yakin ya kasance a cikin yakin basasa, zagon kasa da hare-hare a kan farar hula, sojojin gida a cikin wani abin da aka ba. kasar ta yi la'akari da cewa sa'a ta zo; ana cewa yaki da masu kaifin kishin Islama bai yi nasara ba kuma… ya karbi mulki.
Babu shakka, yanayi mai jin daɗi - masu tsattsauran ra'ayin Islama ba su da ƙarfin shiga babban birninku su kafa wani nau'i na "Daular Musulunci" a gare ku, kuma a lokaci guda, fada ya yi nisa kuma akwai abin da zai tsoratar da jama'a. . Wani batu na daban shi ne cewa yawancin jama'a suna tsoron sojojin 'yan asalin' su saboda wasu dalilai. Sun hada da rashin hakki na kwamandojin soji zuwa sabanin kabilanci na janar-janar.
Don duk wannan, an riga an ƙara daɗaɗɗen tsoro na hanyoyin "Wagner", waɗanda ke goyon bayan "ayyukan tsattsauran ra'ayi" da "girgizar masana'antu". [39]
A nan ne ya zama wajibi mu tashi na dan wani lokaci mai tsawo kan tarihin kutsawar Musulunci a yammacin Afirka da kuma lura da wani abin da ya faru wanda ba zai yiwu ba a cikin hadari. A kokarin da suke yi na neman kayan aikin da za su yi amfani da su, musamman ma bayan da mayakan Abzinawa suka yi watsi da su bayan gazawar ‘yan tawaye a arewacin Mali, masu tsattsauran ra’ayin addinin Islama na komawa ga Fulani makiyaya, wadanda ke zama makiyaya na makiyaya na gado wadanda ke yin kaura zuwa makiyaya. bel daga Gulf of Guinea zuwa Bahar Maliya, kudu da hamadar Sahara.
Fulani (wanda aka fi sani da Fula, Fulbe, Hilani, Philata, Fulau, har ma da Pyol, ya danganta da yaren da ake magana da shi a yankin) suna daya daga cikin mutanen Afirka na farko da suka karbi Musulunci kuma ta hanyar salon rayuwarsu da kuma yadda suke rayuwa. ana wariya da wariya zuwa wani matakin rayuwa. Hasali ma dai yadda ake raba yankin Fulani kamar haka.
Bafullatani sun kai kusan 16,800,000 a Najeriya cikin jimillar mutane miliyan 190; 4,900,000 a Guinea (tare da babban birnin kasar Conakry) daga cikin mutane miliyan 13; 3,500,000 a Senegal daga cikin ƙasa miliyan 16; 3,000,000 a Mali daga cikin mutane miliyan 18.5; 2,900,000 a Kamaru daga cikin mutane miliyan 24; 1,600,000 a Nijar daga cikin mutane miliyan 21; 1,260,000 a Mauritania daga cikin mutane miliyan 4.2; 1,200,000 a Burkina Faso (Upper Volta) daga cikin mutane miliyan 19; 580,000 a Chadi daga cikin mutane miliyan 15; 320,000 a Gambia daga cikin mutane miliyan 2; 320,000 a Guinea-Bissau daga cikin mutane miliyan 1.9; 310,000 a Saliyo daga cikin mutane miliyan 6.2; 250,000 a Jamhuriyar Afirka ta Tsakiya mai mutane miliyan 5.4 (tare da masu bincike sun jaddada cewa wannan shi ne rabin al'ummar musulmi na kasar, wanda shi ne kusan kashi 10% na al'ummar kasar); 4,600 a Ghana daga cikin mutane miliyan 28; da 1,800 a Cote d'Ivoire daga cikin mutane miliyan 23.5. [38] <> kuma an kafa al'ummar fulani a ƙasar Sudan akan hanyar zuwa Makkah. Abin takaici, Fulanin Sudan su ne al’umma mafi karancin karatu kuma ba a tantance adadinsu ba a lokacin kidayar jama’a[38].
A bisa kaso na yawan al'ummar Fulani, kashi 38% na al'ummar kasar Guinea (mai babban birnin kasar Conakry), 30% a Mauritania, 22% a Senegal, kasa da kashi 17% a Guinea-Bissau, 16% a Mali da Gambia. 12% a Kamaru, kusan kashi 9% a Najeriya, 7.6% a Nijar, 6.3% a Burkina Faso, 5% a Saliyo da Jamhuriyar Afirka ta Tsakiya, ƙasa da kashi 4% na al'ummar Chadi da ƙaramin hannun jari a Ghana da Cote d'Ivoire. [38]
Sau da yawa a tarihi, Fulani sun kafa dauloli. Ana iya kawo misalai guda uku:
• A ƙarni na 18, sun kafa tsarin tsarin mulkin Futa-Jalon a Tsakiyar Gini;
• A karni na 19, daular Massina a kasar Mali (1818 – 1862), wanda Sekou Amadou Barii ya kafa, sannan Amadou Sekou Amadou, wanda ya yi nasarar mamaye babban birnin Timbuktu.
• Haka nan a karni na 19 aka kafa daular Sokoto a Najeriya.
Wadannan masarautu sun tabbatar da cewa ba su da kwanciyar hankali, amma a yau, babu wata jihar da Fulani ke da iko. [38]
Kamar yadda aka riga aka ambata, a al’adance Fulani ƴan ci-rani ne, makiyaya masu kiwo. Sun kasance a mafi yawan lokuta, ko da an yi la’akari da cewa a hankali wasu da dama daga cikinsu sun daidaita, duk saboda gazawar da aka yi musu ta hanyar ci gaba da fadada hamada a wasu yankuna, da kuma watsewarsu, da saboda wasu gwamnatoci sun kirkiro shirye-shirye da nufin jagorantar al'ummar makiyaya zuwa salon zaman kashe wando. [7], [8], [11], [19], [21], [23], [25], [42]
Mafi yawansu Musulmi ne, kusan dukkansu a kasashe da dama ne. A tarihi, sun taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen shigar Musulunci cikin Yammacin Afirka.
Marubuci kuma mai tunani dan kasar Mali Amadou Hampate Bâ (1900-1991), wanda shi kansa na fulani ne, ya tuna da yadda wasu al’ummomi suke fahimtar su, ya yi kwatancen Yahudawa, kamar yadda yahudawa suka yi a gabanin halittar Isra'ila, an tarwatsa su a kasashe da dama, inda suke haifar da cin zarafi daga wasu al'ummomi, wanda ba ya bambanta da yawa daga ƙasa zuwa ƙasa: sau da yawa wasu suna ganin Fulani a matsayin masu nuna son kai, son zuciya da yaudara. [38]
Rikicin gargajiya da ake fama da shi a yankunan fulani ƙaura, a ɗaya hannun, a matsayin ƴan fulani makiyaya da manoma mazauna ƙabilu daban-daban, da kasancewar sun fi sauran ƙabilu a cikin wata ƙasa. yawancin ƙasashe (saboda haka a cikin hulɗa da ƙungiyoyi daban-daban na al'umma), ba shakka suna ba da gudummawa ga bayanin wannan suna, sau da yawa yawan mutanen da suka shiga cikin adawa da jayayya. [8], [19], [23], [25], [38]
Tunanin cewa su ne ke samar da hanyoyin samar da jihadi a baya-bayan nan kuma za a iya bayyana su ta hanyar rawar da Fulani suka taka a lokacin da aka san ta'addanci a tsakiyar kasar Mali ba da dadewa ba - a yankin Masina da kuma a cikin lankwasa kogin Niger . [26], [28], [36], [41]
A yayin da ake magana kan abubuwan da ke kunno kai a tsakanin Fulani da ‘yan Jihadi, ya kamata a lura da cewa a tarihi a duk fadin Afirka, rikici ya taso kuma ya ci gaba da wanzuwa a tsakanin manoma da makiyaya, wadanda galibi makiyaya ne ko makiyaya. kuma suna da al'adar ƙaura da ƙaura da garkensu. Manoman na zargin makiyayan da lalata amfanin gonakinsu da kiwo, sannan makiyayan na korafin satar dabbobi, da wahalar samun ruwan ruwa da kuma hana su zirga-zirga. [38]
Amma tun daga shekara ta 2010, tashe-tashen hankula masu yawa da asarar rayuka sun dauki wani salo daban-daban, musamman a yankin Sahel. An maye gurbin fadan hannu-da-hannu da fadace-fadacen kulob da harbi da bindigogin Kalashnikov. [5], [7], [8], [41]
Ci gaba da faɗaɗa ƙasar noma, wanda haɓakar yawan jama'a ya ƙaru, sannu a hankali yana iyakance wuraren kiwo da kiwo. A halin da ake ciki kuma, tsananin fari a shekarun 1970 zuwa 1980 ya sa makiyaya yin hijira zuwa kudu zuwa wuraren da mutanen da ke zaune ba su saba yin takara da makiyaya ba. Bugu da kari, fifikon da aka bai wa manufofi don bunkasa kiwo na kiwo yakan mayar da makiyaya saniyar ware. [12], [38]
Idan aka bar manufofin ci gaba, makiyayan ƙaura sukan ji wariya daga hukumomi, suna jin cewa suna zaune a cikin yanayi mara kyau kuma suna yin gangami don kare muradun su. Bugu da kari, kungiyoyin 'yan ta'adda da masu fafutuka da ke yaki a yammacin Afirka da tsakiyar Afirka na kokarin yin amfani da bacin ransu wajen cin galaba a kansu. [7], [10], [12], [14], [25], [26]
Haka kuma, yawancin makiyayan yankin Fulani ne, wadanda kuma su ne kadai makiyayan da ake samun su a duk kasashen yankin.
Halin wasu daulolin Fulani da aka ambata a baya, da kuma irin al’adar yakin Fulani, ya sa masu lura da al’amura ke ganin cewa, shigar Fulani wajen bullar jihadi ta ‘yan ta’adda a tsakiyar kasar Mali tun daga shekarar 2015, ta wata ma’ana, ta wani bangare ne na hadin gwiwa. al'adun tarihi da kuma asalin mutanen Fulani, waɗanda aka gabatar da su a matsayin bête noire ("baƙar dabba"). Shigar da Fulani ke yi wajen bunkasar wannan barazanar ta’addanci a Burkina Faso ko ma a Nijar, da alama ya tabbatar da wannan ra’ayi. [30], [38]
Lokacin da ake magana game da tarihin tarihi, ya kamata a lura cewa Fulani sun taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen tsayin daka da mulkin mallaka na Faransa, musamman a Futa-Jalon da yankunan da ke kewaye - yankunan da za su zama yankunan da Faransa ta yi wa mulkin mallaka na Guinea, Senegal da Sudan ta Faransa. .
Bugu da ƙari, dole ne a ba da muhimmiyar mahimmanci cewa yayin da fulani suka taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen samar da sabuwar cibiyar ta'addanci a Burkina Faso, halin da ake ciki a Nijar ya sha bamban: gaskiya ne cewa ana samun hare-hare lokaci-lokaci daga kungiyoyin da suka hada da Fulani, amma wadannan maharan ne na waje. daga Mali. [30], [38]
A aikace, duk da haka, yanayin Fulani ya bambanta sosai daga ƙasa zuwa ƙasa, ko ta hanyar rayuwarsu (matakin zama, matakin ilimi, da sauransu), yadda suke tsinkayar kansu, ko ma hanyar, a cewarsa. wanda wasu ke ganin su.
Kafin mu ci gaba da zurfafa nazari kan nau’ukan mu’amalar Fulani da ‘yan jihadi, ya kamata a yi la’akari da wani gagarumin abin da ya faru, wanda za mu koma karshen wannan nazari. An bayyana cewa Fulani suna zaune a warwatse a Afirka - tun daga Tekun Guinea da ke Tekun Atlantika a yamma, zuwa gabar Tekun Bahar Maliya a gabas. Suna rayuwa a zahiri a daya daga cikin tsoffin hanyoyin kasuwanci a Afirka - hanyar da ke gudana kai tsaye a gefen kudancin hamadar Sahara, wanda har ya zuwa yau yana daya daga cikin muhimman hanyoyin da ake gudanar da aikin noma a yankin Sahel.
Idan kuma, a gefe guda, mun kalli taswirar ƙasashen da PMC "Wagner" ke aiwatar da ayyukan hukuma, don taimakon dakarun gwamnati da suka dace (ba tare da la'akari da ko gwamnati ta kasance doka ba ko kuma ta hau kan karagar mulki a sakamakon haka. juyin mulkin da aka yi a baya-bayan nan - duba musamman Mali da Burkina Faso ), za mu ga cewa akwai matsala mai tsanani tsakanin kasashen da Fulani ke zaune da kuma inda "Wagnerovites" ke aiki.
A gefe guda, ana iya danganta wannan da daidaituwa. PMC "Wagner" ya sami nasarar lalata ƙasashe inda ake fama da rikice-rikice na cikin gida, kuma idan sun kasance yakin basasa - har ma mafi kyau. Tare da Prigozhin ko ba tare da Prigozhin (wasu mutane har yanzu suna la'akari da shi da rai), PMC "Wagner" ba zai shuɗe daga matsayinsa ba. Da fari dai, saboda dole ne ya cika kwangilar da aka karbi kudi, kuma abu na biyu, saboda irin wannan shi ne aikin geopolitical na gwamnatin tsakiya a cikin Tarayyar Rasha.
Babu wata babbar karya fiye da sanarwar "Wagner" a matsayin "kamfanin soja na sirri" - PMC. Mutum zai yi daidai da abin da ke "mai zaman kansa" game da kamfani da aka ƙirƙira bisa ga umarnin gwamnatin tsakiya, dauke da makamai da shi, da aka ba da ayyuka masu mahimmanci (na farko a Siriya, sa'an nan kuma sauran wurare), yana ba da shi "ma'aikatan sirri", ta hanyar. sakin fursunoni tare da yanke hukunci mai tsanani. Tare da irin wannan "sabis" ta jihar, ya fi yaudara, yana da kuskure, don kiran "Wagner" a "kamfanin sirri".
PMC "Wagner" wani kayan aiki ne na tabbatar da burin Putin na geopolitical kuma yana da alhakin shigar da "Russky Mir" a wuraren da ba "tsaftace" ba ga sojojin Rasha na yau da kullum su bayyana a cikin duk nau'ikan farati na hukuma. Kamfanin yawanci yana bayyana inda akwai rashin kwanciyar hankali na siyasa don ba da sabis kamar Mephistopheles na zamani. Bafullatani na da bala’in zama a wuraren da ake fama da rashin zaman lafiya a siyasance, don haka da farko idan aka kalli rikicinsu da PMC Wagner bai kamata ya ba da mamaki ba.
A gefe guda, duk da haka, akasin haka ma gaskiya ne. “Wagner” PMCs sun yi matuƙar “hanzari” tare da hanyar tsohuwar hanyar kasuwanci da aka ambata - babbar hanyar kiwon shanu ta yau, wanda wani ɓangaren ma ya zo daidai da hanyar da yawancin ƙasashen Afirka na aikin Hajji a Makka. Bafullatani dai sun kai kimanin mutane miliyan talatin kuma idan aka mayar da su tsattsauran ra'ayi za su iya haifar da rikici wanda zai kasance da hali na akalla yakin Afrika baki daya.
Har ya zuwa wannan lokaci a wannan zamani namu, an gwabza yake-yake na yanki marasa adadi a Afirka tare da hasarar rayuka da barna da ba za a iya misaltawa ba. Amma akwai aƙalla yaƙe-yaƙe guda biyu waɗanda ke da'awar lakabin da ba na hukuma ba na "yaƙe-yaƙe na Afirka", a wasu kalmomi - yaƙe-yaƙe waɗanda suka haɗa da yawancin ƙasashe a nahiyar da kuma bayan. Waɗannan su ne yaƙe-yaƙe guda biyu a Kongo (Jamhuriyar Demokradiyyar Kongo ta yau). Na farko ya kasance daga 24 ga Oktoba, 1996 zuwa 16 ga Mayu, 1997 (fiye da watanni shida) kuma ya kai ga maye gurbin mai mulkin kasar Zaire - Mobuto Sese Seko tare da Laurent-Désiré Kabila. Kasashe 18 da kungiyoyin sa kai ne ke da hannu kai tsaye a rikicin, wanda kasashe 3 + 6 ke goyan bayan, wasu daga cikinsu ba a bude su gaba daya ba. Har ila yau, yakin ya kasance zuwa wani lokaci sakamakon kisan gillar da aka yi a makwabciyarta Ruwanda, wanda ya haifar da guguwar 'yan gudun hijira a DR Congo (sai Zaire).
Da zarar yakin Kongo na farko ya kare, kawancen da suka yi nasara sun shiga rikici da juna kuma cikin sauri ya rikide zuwa yakin Kongo na biyu, wanda aka fi sani da "Babban Yakin Afirka", wanda ya kwashe kusan shekaru biyar, daga Agusta 2, 1998 zuwa Yuli 18, 2003. Kusan ba za a iya tabbatar da adadin ƙungiyoyin sojojin da ke cikin wannan yaƙi ba, amma ya isa a ce a gefen Laurent-Désiré Kabila suna yaƙi da tawagogin Angola, Chadi, Namibiya, Zimbabwe da Sudan, yayin da suke adawa da juna. Gwamnatin Kinshasa ita ce Uganda, Rwanda da Burundi. Kamar yadda masu bincike sukan jaddada, wasu daga cikin "masu taimako" suna shiga tsakani gaba daya ba tare da an gayyace su ba.
A yayin yakin, shugaban DR Congo, Laurent-Désiré Kabila, ya mutu, aka maye gurbinsa da Joseph Kabila. Bayan duk wani zalinci da halaka, ana kuma tunawa da yaƙin saboda kashe fararen hula 60,000 (!), da kuma mayaƙan pygmy kusan 10,000. Yakin dai ya kawo karshe ne da yarjejeniyar da ta kai ga janyewar daukacin dakarun kasashen ketare daga Jamhuriyar Dimokaradiyyar Congo a hukumance, da nada Joseph Kabila a matsayin shugaban rikon kwarya, da kuma rantsar da mataimakan shugabanni hudu da aka riga aka amince da su, ya danganta da muradun dukkanin bangarorin da ke rikici da juna. A shekara ta 2006, an gudanar da babban zaɓe, kamar yadda za a iya gudanar da shi a ƙasar Afirka ta Tsakiya da ta sha fama da yake-yake tsakanin nahiya guda biyu a jere cikin fiye da shekaru shida.
Misalin yaƙe-yaƙe guda biyu a Kongo zai iya ba mu ɗan taƙaitaccen bayanin abin da zai iya faruwa idan aka kunna yaƙi a yankin Sahel wanda ya shafi Fulani miliyan 30. Ba za mu iya shakkar cewa an dade ana yin la'akari da irin wannan yanayin a cikin ƙasashen yankin, musamman a Moscow, inda mai yiwuwa suna tunanin cewa tare da haɗin gwiwar PMC "Wagner" a Mali, Algeria, Libya, Sudan, Sudan ta Kudu, CAR da Kamaru (da kuma a cikin DR Congo, Zimbabwe, Mozambique da Madagascar), "sun ci gaba da kasancewa a kan gaba" na babban rikici da za a iya haifar da shi ba dole ba.
Burin Moscow na zama wani abu a Afirka ba daga jiya ba ne ko kadan. A cikin Tarayyar Soviet, akwai wata makarantar jami'an leƙen asiri, jami'an diflomasiyya da, fiye da duka, ƙwararrun soja waɗanda ke shirye su shiga wani yanki ko wani yanki na nahiyar idan ya cancanta. Babban ɓangare na ƙasashe a Afirka an tsara taswirar Soviet Janar na Geodesy da Cartography (a baya a 1879 - 1928) kuma "Wagners" na iya dogara da goyon bayan bayanai masu kyau.
Alamu masu karfi na nuna karfin ikon Rasha wajen aiwatar da juyin mulkin a Mali da Burkina Faso. A halin da ake ciki dai, babu wani zargin da Rasha ke da hannu a juyin mulkin Nijar, inda sakataren harkokin wajen Amurka Blinken da kansa ya yi watsi da yiwuwar hakan. Na karshen, ba shakka, ba yana nufin ko kadan ba a lokacin rayuwarsa Prigozhin bai yi maraba da masu yunkurin juyin mulki ba kuma bai ba da sabis na kamfanin soja na "mai zaman kansa".
A cikin ruhin tsoffin al'adun Markisanci, a nan ma Rasha tana aiki tare da ƙaramin shiri da mafi girman shirin. Mafi ƙanƙanta shine a “tsafa ƙafa” a cikin ƙarin ƙasashe, ƙwace “tashoshin waje”, haifar da tasiri a tsakanin manyan mutane, musamman a tsakanin sojoji, da kuma amfani da ma’adanai masu mahimmanci na cikin gida gwargwadon iko. PMC "Wagner" ya riga ya sami sakamako a wannan batun.
Matsakaicin shirin shine samun iko a kan dukkanin yankin Sahel kuma bari Moscow ta yanke shawarar abin da zai faru a can - zaman lafiya ko yaki. Wani zai iya cewa da kyau: "Ee, ba shakka - yana da ma'ana a tattara kudaden gwamnatocin juyin mulkin da kuma tono albarkatun ma'adinai masu mahimmanci kamar yadda zai yiwu. Amma mene ne jahannama Rashawa suke bukata don sarrafa wanzuwar kasashen Sahel?”.
Amsar wannan tambaya mai ma'ana ta ta'allaka ne a yayin da ake fama da rikicin soji a yankin Sahel, kwararowar 'yan gudun hijira za su garzaya zuwa Turai. Waɗannan za su kasance ɗimbin jama'a waɗanda jami'an 'yan sanda ba za su iya ɗaukar su ba. Za mu shaida al'amuran da mummuna gani tare da babban cajin farfaganda. Mai yiyuwa ne, kasashen Turai za su yi kokarin karbar wani bangare na ‘yan gudun hijirar, tare da kashe wasu da ake tsare da su a Afirka, wadanda kungiyar EU za ta ba su goyon baya saboda cikakkiyar kariya.
Ga Moscow, duk wannan zai zama yanayi na paradisiacal cewa Moscow ba za ta yi jinkirin saita motsi a wani lokaci ba, idan aka ba da dama. A bayyane yake cewa karfin ikon Faransa na taka rawar da babbar rundunar wanzar da zaman lafiya ta kasance abin tambaya ne, sannan kuma abin tambaya a nan shi ne muradin Faransa na ci gaba da gudanar da irin wadannan ayyuka, musamman bayan shari'ar Mali da kuma kawo karshen tawagar MDD. can. A Moscow, ba su damu ba game da aiwatar da baƙar fata na nukiliya, amma abin da ya rage don tayar da "bam na ƙaura", wanda babu radiation radiation, amma sakamakon zai iya zama mai lalacewa.
Daidai saboda waɗannan dalilai, ya kamata a bi hanyoyin da ke cikin ƙasashen Sahel tare da yin nazari mai zurfi, gami da masana kimiyya da ƙwararrun Bulgaria. Bulgaria ita ce kan gaba a cikin rikicin ƙaura kuma hukumomi a ƙasarmu sun wajaba su yi tasiri mai mahimmanci a kan manufofin EU don su kasance a shirye don irin wannan "matsalolin".
Kashi na biyu ya biyo baya
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[34] Fita Daga Inuwa: Canje-canje a cikin Ayyukan Rukunin Wagner A Duniya, 2 ga Agusta, 2023, ACLED
[35] Olumba, Ezenwa, Muna buƙatar sabuwar hanyar fahimtar tashin hankali a yankin Sahel, Fabrairu 28th, 2023, London School of Economics Blogs
[36] Jama'a a cikin Haɗari: Sahel ta tsakiya (Burkina Faso, Mali da Nijar), 31 ga Mayu 2023, Cibiyar Alhaki ta Duniya don Kare
[37] Sahel 2021: Yaƙe-yaƙe na Jama'a, Karyewar Tsagaita wuta da Canza iyaka, 17 Yuni 2021, ACLED
[38] Sangare, Boukary, Fulani da jihadi a yankin Sahel da kasashen yammacin Afrika, Fabrairu 8, 2019, Observatoire of Arab-Muslim World and Sahel, The Fondation pour la recherche stratégique (FRS)
[39] Rahoton Musamman na Cibiyar Soufan, Ƙungiyar Wagner: Juyin Halitta na Sojoji masu zaman kansu, Jason Blazakis, Colin P. Clarke, Naureen Chowdhury Fink, Sean Steinberg, Cibiyar Soufan, Yuni 2023
[40] Fahimtar Sabon juyin mulkin Burkina Faso, Ta Cibiyar Nazarin Dabarun Afirka, Oktoba 28, 2022
[41] Tashin hankali a yankin Sahel, Agusta 10, 2023, ta Cibiyar Kariya, Mai Rarraba Rikicin Duniya
[42] Waicanjo, Charles, Rikicin Makiyaya da Manoma na Ketare da Rashin zaman lafiya a Sahel, Mayu 21, 2020, 'Yancin Afirka
[43] Wilkins, Henry, Ta tafkin Chadi, Matan Fulani Suna Yin Taswirorin Rage Manomi – Rikicin makiyaya; Yuli 07, 2023, VOA – Afirka
Game da marubucin:
Teodor Detchev ya kasance babban farfesa na cikakken lokaci a Makarantar Tsaro da Tattalin Arziki (VUSI) - Plovdiv (Bulgaria) tun daga 2016.
Ya koyar a Jami'ar New Bulgarian - Sofia da VTU "St. St. Cyril da Methodius”. A halin yanzu yana koyarwa a VUSI, da kuma a UNSS. Babban kwasa-kwasan koyarwarsa sune: dangantakar masana'antu da tsaro, dangantakar masana'antu ta Turai, ilimin zamantakewar tattalin arziki (a cikin Ingilishi da Bulgaria), Ethnosociology, rikice-rikicen kabilanci da siyasa da na ƙasa, Ta'addanci da kashe-kashen siyasa - matsalolin siyasa da zamantakewa, Ingantaccen haɓaka ƙungiyoyi.
Shi ne marubucin fiye da 35 kimiyya ayyuka a kan gobara juriya na gine gine da juriya na cylindrical karfe bawo. Shi ne marubucin fiye da 40 ayyuka a kan zamantakewa, kimiyyar siyasa da kuma masana'antu dangantakar, ciki har da monographs: Masana'antu dangantakar da tsaro - part 1. Social concessions a gama kai ciniki (2015); Harkokin Hulɗa da Harkokin Masana'antu (2012); Tattaunawar Jama'a a cikin Sashin Tsaro na Zamani (2006); "Siffofin Ayyuka masu Sauƙi" da (Post) Harkokin Masana'antu a Tsakiya da Gabashin Turai (2006).
Ya haɗa littattafan: Innovations in gama kai ciniki. Harkokin Turai da Bulgaria; Ma'aikata na Bulgaria da mata a wurin aiki; Tattaunawar Zamantakewa da Samar da Aikinyi na Mata a Fannin Amfani da Biomass a Bulgeriya. Kwanan nan yana aiki kan batutuwan da suka shafi alakar masana'antu da tsaro; ci gaban rikice-rikicen ta'addanci na duniya; matsalolin ethnosociological, rikice-rikice na kabilanci da na addini.
Memba na Ƙungiyar Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙwararrun Ƙasa (BAPN).
Social Demokradiyar ta hanyar ra'ayi na siyasa. A cikin lokacin 1998 - 2001, ya kasance mataimakin ministan kwadago da manufofin zamantakewa. Babban Editan jaridar "Svoboden Narod" daga 1993 zuwa 1997. Daraktan jaridar "Svoboden Narod" a 2012 - 2013. Mataimakin shugaban kasa da shugaban SSI a cikin lokaci 2003 - 2011. Daraktan "Manufofin masana'antu" a AIKB tun 2014 .har yau. Memba na NSTS daga 2003 zuwa 2012.
