Ta hanyar Teodor Detchev
Bangaren da ya gabata na wannan nazari mai taken “Sahel – Rikice-rikice, juyin mulki da Bama-bamai na Hijira”, ya yi tsokaci ne kan batun bullar ayyukan ta’addanci a yammacin Afirka da kuma kasa kawo karshen yakin da ‘yan gwagwarmayar Islama ke yi da sojojin gwamnati a Mali, Burkina Faso. Faso, Nijar, Chadi da Najeriya. An kuma tattauna batun yakin basasar da ke ci gaba da yi a Jamhuriyar Afirka ta Tsakiya.
Ɗaya daga cikin mahimman abubuwan da aka yanke shi ne cewa tsananin rikici yana cike da babban hadarin "bam na ƙaura" wanda zai haifar da matsin lamba na ƙaura da ba a taba gani ba a duk iyakar kudancin Tarayyar Turai. Wani muhimmin al'amari kuma shi ne yuwuwar manufofin harkokin wajen Rasha na yin amfani da karfin fadace-fadace a kasashe irin su Mali, Burkina Faso, Chadi da Jamhuriyar Afirka ta Tsakiya. [39] Tare da hannunta a kan "counter" na yuwuwar fashewar ƙaura, za a iya jarabtar Moscow cikin sauƙi don amfani da matsin lamba na ƙaura a kan jihohin EU waɗanda gabaɗaya an riga an ayyana su azaman abokan gaba.
A cikin wannan yanayi mai hatsarin gaske, al'ummar Fulani ne ke taka rawa ta musamman - wata kabila ce ta wasu kabilu, masu kiwon dabbobi masu kaura wadanda ke zaune daga gabar tekun Guinea zuwa tekun Bahar Maliya kuma adadinsu ya kai miliyan 30 zuwa 35 bisa ga bayanai daban-daban. . Kasancewar al’ummar da a tarihi suka taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen shigar addinin Musulunci cikin nahiyar Afirka, musamman ma yammacin Afirka, Fulani wata babbar jarabawa ce ga masu tsaurin ra’ayin Musulunci, duk kuwa da cewa suna da’awar mazhabar Sufanci, wanda ko shakka babu shi ne ya fi kowa. m, kamar yadda kuma mafi sufi.
Abin takaici, kamar yadda za a gani daga bincike a ƙasa, batun ba wai kawai adawar addini ba ne. Rikicin ba kawai na kabilanci da addini ba ne. Yana da zamantakewa da kabilanci-addini, kuma a cikin 'yan shekarun nan, illolin dukiyar da aka tara ta hanyar cin hanci da rashawa, ta koma mallakar dabbobi - abin da ake kira sabon makiyaya - ya fara yin tasiri mai karfi. Wannan al'amari ya shafi Najeriya musamman kuma zai kasance batun kashi na uku na wannan nazari.
Fulani da Jihadi a Tsakiyar Mali: Tsakanin Canji, Tawayen Al'umma da Tsage-tsare
A yayin da rundunar Operation Serval ta yi nasarar fatattakar mayakan jihadi da suka mamaye arewacin Mali a shekarar 2013, kuma Operation Barhan ya hana su komawa fagen daga, lamarin da ya tilasta musu buya, hare-haren ba kawai ya tsaya ba, har ma ya yadu zuwa tsakiyar kasar. Mali (a yankin lankwasa kogin Niger, wanda kuma aka sani da Massina). Gabaɗaya, hare-haren ta'addanci sun ƙaru bayan 2015.
Babu shakka mayakan jihadi ba su da iko a yankin kamar yadda suke a arewacin Mali a shekarar 2012 kuma an tilasta musu buya. Ba su da "abin da ke da iyaka a kan tashin hankali" kamar yadda aka ƙirƙira 'yan bindiga don yakar su, wani lokaci tare da goyon bayan hukuma. Sai dai hare-hare da kashe-kashe na karuwa, kuma rashin tsaro ya kai matsayin da yankin ya daina karkashin ikon gwamnati na gaske. Ma’aikatan gwamnati da dama sun bar mukamansu, an kuma rufe makarantu da dama, sannan kuma ba a iya gudanar da zaben shugaban kasa na baya-bayan nan a wasu kananan hukumomi.
Har zuwa wani lokaci, wannan yanayin shine sakamakon "cututtuka" daga Arewa. Korarsu daga garuruwan arewacin kasar, wadanda suke karkashin ikonsu na tsawon watanni da dama bayan da suka kasa samar da kasa mai cin gashin kanta, aka tilasta musu su "dabi'u da hankali", kungiyoyin masu dauke da makamai, wadanda ke neman sabbin dabaru da sabbin hanyoyin aiki, sun sami damar dauka. amfani da abubuwan rashin zaman lafiya a cikin yankin tsakiya don samun sabon tasiri.
Wasu daga cikin waɗannan abubuwan sun zama ruwan dare ga yankunan tsakiya da arewa. Duk da haka, ba daidai ba ne a yi imani cewa munanan abubuwan da suka faru akai-akai a tsakiyar kasar Mali tsawon shekaru bayan 2015 ci gaba ne kawai na rikicin arewacin kasar.
A gaskiya ma, wasu raunin sun fi dacewa da yankunan tsakiya. Makasudin al'ummomin yankunan da 'yan jihadi ke amfani da su ya sha banban sosai. Yayin da Abzinawa a arewacin ƙasar suka yi iƙirarin samun 'yancin kai na Azaouad (yankin da a zahiri yake tatsuniya - bai taɓa yin daidai da kowane ɓangaren siyasa na baya ba, amma wanda ya keɓance ga Abzinawa duk yankuna a arewacin Mali), al'ummomin da ke wakiltar Yankunan tsakiya , ba sa yin kwatankwacin da'awar siyasa, muddin suna yin wani iƙirari.
Muhimmancin banbance-banbance tsakanin rawar da Fulani ke takawa a al’amuran arewa da kuma yankunan tsakiya, wanda duk masu lura da al’amura ke jaddadawa. Hakika, wanda ya kafa kungiyar 'yantar da 'yantar da jama'a ta Masina, mafi muhimmanci daga cikin kungiyoyin da ke dauke da makamai, Hamadoun Kufa, wanda aka kashe a ranar 28 ga watan Nuwamba, 2018, dan kabilar Fulani ne, haka kuma mafi yawan mayakansa. [38]
Kadan a arewa, fulani suna da yawa a yankunan tsakiya kuma sun damu kamar sauran al'ummomi saboda karuwar gasa tsakanin makiyaya da manoma da ke faruwa a yankin, sun fi fama da shi saboda yanayin tarihi da al'adu.
Halin da ake ciki a yankin da kuma yankin Sahel gaba daya, wanda ke sa makiyaya da matsugunan da ke zaune tare da wahala su zauna tare, biyu ne:
Sauyin yanayi, wanda tuni ya fara gudana a yankin Sahel (ruwan sama ya ragu da kashi 20 cikin 40 a cikin shekaru XNUMX da suka gabata), ya tilasta wa makiyaya neman sabbin wuraren kiwo;
• Haɓaka yawan jama'a, wanda ke tilasta wa manoma neman sabon fili, yana da tasiri musamman a wannan yanki mai yawan jama'a. [38]
Idan fulani a matsayinsu na makiyaya masu hijira, musamman suka damu da gasar tsakanin al’ummomi da wadannan ci gaban ke haifarwa, to a daya bangaren wannan gasar ta hada su da kusan dukkan sauran al’ummomi (yankin nan ne na Fulani, Tamashek, Songhai). , Bozo, Bambara da Dogon), da kuma a daya bangaren, domin Fulani sun fi shafar wasu abubuwan da suka shafi manufofin jihohi:
•Ko da mahukuntan kasar Mali, sabanin abin da ya faru a wasu kasashen, ba su taba yin nazari kan batun maslaha ko wajibcin sulhu ba, lamarin dai shi ne, ayyukan raya kasa sun fi yin niyya ga mutane masu zaman kansu. Mafi yawan lokuta wannan yana faruwa ne saboda matsin lamba na masu ba da taimako, yawanci suna goyon bayan watsi da kiwo, waɗanda ake ganin ba su dace da tsarin gina ƙasa na zamani da iyakance damar samun ilimi;
• Gabatar da tsarin raba mulki a shekarar 1999 da zabukan kananan hukumomi, wanda duk da cewa sun bai wa Fulani damar kawo bukatun al’umma a fagen siyasa, musamman ya taimaka wajen bullo da sabbin masu fada a ji, kuma ta haka ne aka rika tambayar tsarin gargajiya, bisa la’akari da yadda ake gudanar da zaben. al'adu, tarihi da addini. Al’ummar Fulani sun ji irin wannan sauyi da aka samu musamman, kasancewar dangantakar zamantakewar al’ummarsu ta dade. Wadannan sauye-sauyen kuma jihar ne ta fara, wanda ko da yaushe suna la'akari da "shigowa" daga waje, samfurin al'adun Yammacin Turai da ke nesa da nasu. [38]
Wannan tasirin, ba shakka, yana da iyakancewa a cikin sauye-sauye na manufofin raba mulki. Duk da haka, gaskiya ne a yawancin gundumomi. Kuma babu shakka "ji" na irin waɗannan sauye-sauye ya fi ƙarfin tasirin su, musamman ma a tsakanin Fulani da ke daukar kansu "masu rauni" na wannan manufar.
A ƙarshe, bai kamata a yi watsi da abubuwan tunawa da tarihi ba, ko da yake bai kamata a yi la'akari da su ba. A tunanin Fulani, Masarautar Masina (wanda Mopti ce babban birninta) tana wakiltar zamanin zinare na yankunan tsakiyar Mali. Abubuwan da wannan daula ta gado ta haxa da, baya ga tsarin zamantakewa na musamman na al’umma da kuma wani hali na addini: Fulani suna rayuwa kuma suna ganin kansu a matsayin masu goyon bayan tsarkakkiyar Musulunci, a cikin ‘yan’uwan Sufaye na Quadriyya, suna kula da tsantsar tsantsauran ra’ayi. aikace-aikace na umarnin Kur'ani.
Jihadin da manyan masu fada a ji a daular Masina ke wa'azi ya sha bamban da wanda 'yan ta'addar da ke aiki a kasar Mali ke yi a halin yanzu (wadanda suka isar da sakonsu zuwa ga sauran musulmin da ba a la'akari da ayyukansu da yin daidai da nassi na kafuwar). Halin Kufa game da manyan masu fada a ji a daular Masina ya kasance a cikin rudani. Ya sha ambaton su, amma ya sake wulakanta makabartar Sekou Amadou. Sai dai ga dukkan alamu addinin Musuluncin da Fulani ke yi zai iya dacewa da wasu bangarori na Salafiyya da kungiyoyin jihadi ke ikirarin cewa nasu ne. [2]
Da alama dai wani sabon salo ya kunno kai a yankunan tsakiyar kasar ta Mali a shekarar 2019: sannu a hankali abubuwan da suka sa aka fara shiga kungiyoyin 'yan jihadi na cikin gida na da alaka da akidar akida, lamarin da ke bayyana a cikin tambayar kasar ta Mali da zamanance gaba daya. Farfagandar Jihadi, wacce ke shelanta kin amincewa da mulkin kasa (da kasashen yamma suka sanyawa, wadanda ke da hannu a ciki) da kuma ‘yantar da jama’a daga tsarin zamantakewar da ‘yan mulkin mallaka suka samar da kasar ta zamani, ta samu karin “halitta” a tsakanin Fulani fiye da sauran kabilu. kungiyoyi . [38]
Matsalolin Fulani a yankin Sahel
Fadada rikicin zuwa Burkina Faso
Fulani ne suka fi yawa a yankin Sahel na Burkina Faso, wanda ke iyaka da kasar Mali (musamman lardunan Soum (Jibo), Seeno (Dori) da Ouadlan (Gorom-Goom), wadanda ke iyaka da yankunan Mopti, Timbuktu da Gao. kasar Mali). da kuma Nijar - tare da yankunan Tera da Tillaberi. Har ila yau, wata kakkarfar al'ummar Fulani tana zama a Ouagadougou, inda ta mamaye yawancin unguwannin Dapoya da Hamdalaye.
A karshen shekarar 2016, wata sabuwar kungiya dauke da makamai ta bayyana a kasar Burkina Faso, wadda ta yi ikirarin cewa tana cikin kungiyar Islamic State – Ansarul Al Islamia ko Ansarul Islam, wadda babban shugabanta shi ne Malam Ibrahim Dicko, wani malamin wa’azin Fulani wanda kamar Hamadoun Koufa a tsakiyar Mali. ya bayyana kansa ta hanyar kai hare-hare da dama kan jami'an tsaro da tsaro na Burkina Faso da kuma makarantu a lardunan Sum, Seeno da Deleted. [38] <> A lokacin maido da ikon dakarun gwamnati a arewacin Mali a shekara ta 2013, sojojin Mali sun kama Ibrahim Mallam Diko. Amma an sake shi ne bayan da shugabannin Fulanin Bamako suka yi, ciki har da tsohon kakakin majalisar dokokin kasar – Aly Nouhoum Diallo.
Shugabannin Ansarul Al Islamia tsoffin mayakan MOJWA ne (Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa – Movement for hadin kai da jihadi a yammacin Afrika, ta hanyar “haɗin kai” ya kamata a fahimci “tauhidi” – masu tsattsauran ra’ayin Musulunci masu tsattsauran ra’ayi ne masu tauhidi) daga tsakiya. Mali. Yanzu dai ana kyautata zaton Malam Ibrahim Dicko ya rasu, kuma dan uwansa Jafar Dicko ya gaje shi a matsayin shugaban kungiyar Ansarul Islam. [38]
Koyaya, aikin wannan rukunin ya kasance iyakance ga yanki a yanzu.
Amma, kamar yadda ake yi a tsakiyar kasar Mali, ana kallon daukacin al’ummar Fulani a matsayin masu hada baki da masu jihadi, wadanda ke kai hare-hare ga al’ummomin da suke zaune. Dangane da hare-haren ta'addanci, al'ummomin da ke zaune sun kafa nasu mayakan sa kai don kare kansu.
Don haka, a farkon watan Janairun 2019, a martanin harin da wasu da ba a san ko su wanene ba suka kai da makami ba, mazauna garin Yirgou sun kai hari a yankunan da Fulani ke zama na tsawon kwanaki biyu (1 da 2 ga watan Janairu), inda suka kashe mutane 48. An tura jami’an ‘yan sanda domin kwantar da hankula. A lokaci guda kuma, mai nisan mil mil kaɗan, a Bankass Cercle (wani reshen gudanarwa na yankin Mopti na ƙasar Mali), Dogons sun kashe Fulani 41. [14], [42]
Halin da ake ciki a Nijar
Ba kamar Burkina Faso ba, Nijar ba ta da kungiyoyin 'yan ta'adda da ke kai hare-hare daga yankunanta, duk da yunkurin da Boko Haram ke yi na kafa kanta a yankunan da ke kan iyaka, musamman a bangaren Diffa, inda ta yi galaba a kan matasan Nijar da ke ganin halin da tattalin arzikin kasar ke ciki ya hana su gaba. . Ya zuwa yanzu dai Nijar na iya dakile wadannan yunkurin.
Wadannan nasarorin da aka samu an bayyana su musamman da irin muhimmancin da hukumomin Nijar ke baiwa al'amuran tsaro. Suna ware musu wani kaso mai yawa na kasafin kudin kasa. Hukumomin Nijar sun ware makudan kudade don karfafa sojoji da 'yan sanda. Anyi wannan tantancewar ne ta la'akari da damammakin da ake da su a Nijar. Nijar na daya daga cikin kasashen da suka fi talauci a duniya (a matsayi na karshe bisa kididdigar ci gaban bil'adama a kididdigar hukumar raya kasashe ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya - UNDP) kuma yana da matukar wahala a hada kokari wajen samar da tsaro tare da manufar bullo da tsarin samar da tsaro. tsarin ci gaba.
Hukumomin Najeriya suna da matukar himma wajen hadin gwiwa a yankin (musamman da Najeriya da Kamaru kan yaki da Boko Haram) kuma suna yarda da son rai a kan yankinsu sojojin kasashen waje da kasashen Yamma suka samar (Faransa, Amurka, Jamus, Italiya).
Haka kuma, mahukunta a Nijar, kamar yadda suka sami damar daukar matakan da suka dakile matsalar Abzinawa, cikin nasara fiye da takwarorinsu na Mali, sun kuma nuna kulawa sosai kan batun Fulani fiye da yadda suke yi a Mali.
Sai dai Nijar ta kasa kaucewa kamuwa da ta'addancin da ke fitowa daga kasashe makwabta. Kasar dai na fuskantar hare-haren ta'addanci a kai a kai, a yankin kudu maso gabas, da yankunan kan iyaka da Najeriya, da kuma yammacin kasar, a yankunan da ke kusa da kasar Mali. Wadannan hare-hare ne daga waje - hare-haren da Boko Haram ke jagoranta a kudu maso gabas da kuma ayyukan da ke fitowa daga yankin Ménaka da ke yammacin kasar, wanda ya kasance "wurin kiwo" ga 'yan tawayen Abzinawa a Mali.
Masu kai hare-hare daga Mali galibi Fulani ne. Ba su da karfin da Boko Haram ke da shi, amma ya fi wuya a hana kai hare-hare saboda lalurar kan iyaka. Yawancin Fulanin da ke da hannu wajen kai hare-haren ‘yan Nijar ne ko kuma ‘yan asalin Nijar ne – yawancin Fulani makiyaya da suka yi hijira sun tilastawa barin Nijar da zama a makwabciyarta Mali a lokacin da noman noman rani a yankin Tillaberi ya rage musu kiwo a shekarun 1990. [38]
Tun a wancan lokaci suka shiga cikin rikicin Fulanin Mali da Abzinawa (Imahad da Dausaki). Tun bayan boren Abzinawa na baya-bayan nan a kasar Mali, daidaiton karfin iko tsakanin kungiyoyin biyu ya canja. A lokacin, Abzinawa, waɗanda suka yi tawaye sau da yawa tun 1963, sun riga sun sami makamai da yawa a hannunsu.
An yi wa Fulanin Nijar “dakaru” a lokacin da aka kafa kungiyar Ganda Izo a shekarar 2009. (Kirkirar wannan mayaka dauke da makamai ya samo asali ne sakamakon rarrabuwar kawuna da aka yi a wata tsohuwar mayakan sa-kai – “Ganda Koi”, wadda “Ganda Izo” ke da shi. Tun da Ganda Izo ya yi nufin yakar Abzinawa, sai Fulani suka shiga cikinta ( Fulanin Mali da Niger Fulani), bayan haka aka shigar da yawancinsu cikin MOJWA (Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa) Harkar hadin kai (tauhidi) da jihadi a yammacin Afrika) sannan a ISGS (Daular Musulunci a cikin babban sahara) [38].
Daidaiton madafun iko tsakanin Abzinawa da Dausaki, a daya bangaren, da kuma Fulani, a daya bangaren, yana canzawa yadda ya kamata, kuma a shekarar 2019 ya riga ya daidaita. Sakamakon haka, ana samun sabbin tashe-tashen hankula, wanda galibi ke haddasa mutuwar mutane da dama daga bangarorin biyu. A cikin wadannan fadace-fadacen, sojojin kasa da kasa masu yaki da ta'addanci (musamman a lokacin Operation Barhan) a wasu lokuta sun kulla kawance na wucin gadi tare da Abzinawa da Dausak (musamman da MSA), wadanda, bayan kammala yarjejeniyar zaman lafiya da gwamnatin Mali, suka tsunduma cikin yaki da ta'addanci. yaki da ta'addanci.
Fulanin Guinea
Kasar Guinea mai babban birnin kasar Conakry ita ce kadai kasar da Fulani suka fi yawa, amma ba mafiya yawa ba - su ne kusan kashi 38% na al'ummar kasar. Duk da cewa sun fito ne daga Central Guinea, tsakiyar kasar wanda ya hada da garuruwa irin su Mamu, Pita, Labe da Gaual, suna nan a kowane yanki da suka yi hijira don neman ingantacciyar rayuwa.
Yankin ba jihadi ya shafa ba kuma Fulani ba sa kuma ba su da hannu musamman tashe tashen hankula, sai dai rikicin gargajiya tsakanin makiyaya masu hijira da mazauna mazauna.
A kasar Guinea, Fulani ne ke rike da mafi yawan karfin tattalin arzikin kasar da ma masu hankali da na addini. Su ne suka fi kowa ilimi. Suna yin karatu da wuri, da farko cikin Larabci sannan a Faransanci ta hanyar makarantun Faransanci. Limamai da malaman kur’ani mai tsarki da manyan jami’ai daga cikin kasar nan da kuma na kasashen waje Fulani ne mafi rinjayen su. [38]
Duk da haka, za mu iya yin mamakin abin da zai faru nan gaba kamar yadda Fulani suka kasance suna fama da wariya [siyasa] tun lokacin da aka sami 'yancin kai don a nisantar da su daga mulkin siyasa. Sauran kabilun na jin cewa wadannan makiyaya na gargajiya da ke zuwa su yaga filayensu masu kyau don gina sana’o’in da suka fi samun wadata da unguwanni masu kyalli. A cewar sauran kabilun kasar ta Guinea, idan Fulani suka hau mulki, za su samu dukkan karfin iko kuma idan aka yi la’akari da tunanin da aka dangana musu, za su iya rike shi har abada. Wannan hasashe dai ya kara karfi ne da kalaman nuna kyama da shugaban kasar Guinea na farko Sekou Toure ya yi kan al'ummar Fulani.
Tun farkon fafutukar samun ‘yancin kai a shekarar 1958, Sekou Toure wanda dan kabilar Malinke ne da magoya bayansa ke fuskantar Fulanin Bari Diawandu. Bayan hawansa mulki, Sekou Toure ya ba wa mutanen Malinke duk wani muhimmin mukami. Bayyanar makircin da ake zargin Fulani da aikatawa a shekarar 1960 musamman a shekarar 1976 ya ba shi hujjar kawar da wasu muhimman ’yan Fulani (musamman a shekarar 1976, Telly Diallo, wanda shi ne Babban Sakatare-Janar na Kungiyar Hadin Kan Afirka na farko, wanda ake mutuntawa da kuma mutunta shi. fitaccen mutum, ana daure shi a hana shi abinci har sai ya mutu a cikin kurkukun sa). Wannan makircin da ake zargin wata dama ce ga Sekou Toure ya gabatar da jawabai guda uku yana yin Allah wadai da fulani da mugun hali, inda ya kira su "maciya amana" wadanda "tuna kudi kawai...". [38]
A zabukan farko na dimokuradiyya a shekarar 2010, dan takarar Fulani Cellou Dalein Diallo ya yi tazarce a zagaye na farko, amma dukkanin kabilu sun hada karfi da karfe a zagaye na biyu don hana shi zama shugaban kasa, inda suka mika mulki ga Alpha Conde, wanda asalinsa ya fito ne daga Mutane da sunan Malinke.
Wannan al’amari dai yana kara yi wa ’yan Fulani dadi kuma yana haifar da takaici da takaici wanda tsarin dimokuradiyya na baya-bayan nan (zaben 2010) ya bari a bayyana a fili.
Zaben shugaban kasa na gaba a shekarar 2020, wanda Alpha Condé ba zai sake tsayawa takara ba (kundin tsarin mulkin kasa ya haramta wa shugaban kasa yin wa’adi fiye da biyu), zai kasance muhimmin wa’adi na ci gaban dangantaka tsakanin Fulani da sauran su. al'ummar kasar Guinea.
Wasu ƙarewar wucin gadi:
Zai yi matukar sha'awar yin magana game da duk wani furucin da Fulani suke da shi na "jihadi", da yawa daga irin wannan tunanin da tarihin tsoffin masarautun mulkin wannan kabila ya jawo.
Idan aka yi la’akari da hadarin da Fulani ke tattare da hada kai da masu tsattsauran ra’ayin Islama, galibi ana yin watsi da sarkakiyar al’ummar Fulani. Ya zuwa yanzu, ba mu shiga zurfin tsarin zamantakewar Fulani ba, amma a Mali misali, yana da sarkakiya da matsayi. Yana da kyau a yi tsammanin cewa maslahar sassan al’ummar Fulani na iya bambanta su zama sanadin sabani ko ma raba kan al’umma.
Dangane da yankin tsakiyar kasar Mali, halin da ake ciki na kalubalantar tsarin da aka kafa, wanda aka ce Fulani da dama ne ke sa su shiga sahun masu jihadi, a wasu lokutan matasa ne a cikin al’umma ke yin abin da ba su so ba na manya. Hakazalika, matasan Fulani a wasu lokuta suna kokarin cin gajiyar zabukan kananan hukumomi, wanda kamar yadda aka bayyana, ana ganin wata dama ce ta samar da shugabanni wadanda ba fitattun al’adu ba) – wadannan matasan wani lokaci suna daukar manya a matsayin masu shiga cikin wadannan gargajiya. "sannuka". Wannan yana ba da damammaki ga rikice-rikice na cikin gida - ciki har da rikice-rikicen makamai - tsakanin mutanen Fulani. [38]
Ko shakka babu Fulanin suna da niyyar haɗa kansu da masu adawa da tsarin da aka kafa - wani abu ne na asali ga makiyaya. Bugu da ƙari kuma, sakamakon watsewarsu na yanki, tabbas za su kasance koyaushe a cikin ƴan tsiraru kuma daga baya ba za su iya yin tasiri a kan makomar ƙasashen da suke rayuwa ba, koda kuwa da alama suna da irin wannan damar kuma sun yi imani da hakan. halal ne, kamar yadda yake a Guinea.
Hasashen da ake samu daga wannan yanayi na kara rura wutar daman da fulani suka koya na nomawa a lokacin da suke cikin matsala – a lokacin da suka fuskanci masu cin zarafi da suke kallonsu a matsayin barazana ga ‘yan kasashen waje alhalin su. su kansu suna rayuwa a matsayin wadanda aka ci zarafinsu, ana nuna musu wariya da kuma halakar da su.
Kashi na uku ya biyo baya
Abubuwan da aka yi amfani da su:
An ba da cikakken jerin wallafe-wallafen da aka yi amfani da su a kashi na farko da na yanzu na nazari a ƙarshen ɓangaren farko na binciken da aka buga a ƙarƙashin taken "Sahel - rikice-rikice, juyin mulki da bama-bamai na ƙaura". Wadancan majiyoyin da aka ambata a kashi na biyu na binciken - “Fulani da “Jihadi” a Afirka ta Yamma an bayar da su a nan.
[2] Dechev, Teodor Danailov, "Biyu kasa" ko "schizophrenic bifurcation"? Mu'amalar kabilanci da na addini da tsatsauran ra'ayi a cikin ayyukan wasu kungiyoyin 'yan ta'adda, Sp. Siyasa da Tsaro; Shekara I; a'a. 2; 2017; shafi 34 - 51, ISSN 2535-0358 (a Bulgarian).
[14] Cline, Lawrence E., Ƙungiyoyin Jihadi a Sahel: Tashin Fulani?, Maris 2021, Ta'addanci da Rikicin Siyasa, 35 (1), shafi 1-17
[38] Sangare, Boukary, Fulani da Jihadism a Sahel da yammacin Afirka, Fabrairu 8, 2019, Observatoire of Arab-Muslim World da Sahel, The Fondation pour la recherche stratégique (FRS)
[39] Rahoton Musamman na Cibiyar Soufan, Ƙungiyar Wagner: Juyin Halitta na Sojoji masu zaman kansu, Jason Blazakis, Colin P. Clarke, Naureen Chowdhury Fink, Sean Steinberg, Cibiyar Soufan, Yuni 2023
[42] Waicanjo, Charles, Rikicin Makiyaya da Manoma na Ƙasa da Rashin zaman lafiya a cikin Sahel, Mayu 21, 2020, 'Yancin Afirka.
Hoto daga Kureng Workx: https://www.pexels.com/photo/a-man-in-red-traditional-clothing-taking-photo-of-a-man-13033077/
